《5分钟英语演讲【精选5篇】》

演讲稿的内容要根据具体情境、具体场合来确定，要求情感真实，尊重观众。现如今，演讲稿应用范围愈来愈广泛，写起演讲稿来就毫无头绪？以下是勤劳的小编午夜给家人们找到的5篇5分钟英语演讲，希望可以帮助到有需要的朋友。

英语演讲稿 篇1

We know that closing every last U.S. coal-fired power plant over the next two years is achievable because we’re already more than halfway there. Through a partnership between Bloomberg Philanthropies and the Sierra Club, we’ve shut down 289 coal-fired power plants since 20xx, and…and that includes 51 that we have retired since the 20xx presidential election despite all the blusterfromthe White House. As a matter of fact, since Trump got elected, the rate of closure has gone up.

Second, we will work to stop the construction of new gas plants. By the time they are built, they will be out of date – because renewable energy will be cheaper. Cities like Los Angeles are already stopping new gas plant construction in favor of renewable energy. And states like New Mexico, and Washington, and Hawaii, and California are working to convert their electric system to 100 percent clean energy.

We don’t want to replace one fossil fuel with another. We want to build a clean energy economy – and we will push more states to do that.

英语演讲稿 篇2

As we all know, healthy is very important to everybody.But do you really know how to stay healthy?

Here are some useful tips. First, we should do exercise if we have time.For example, we can go to swim in the summer holiday. Or we can take a walk after supper.Doing exercise makes us healthy and strong. Second, we should take more vegetables and fruit and less candies. Stop eating junk food and drinking beers. Last but not least, we should go to bed early and wake up early. We should have enough sleep, or we will get sleepy in the day time. If we pay more attention to the tips above, we will have healthier body.

I wish everybody has a strong and healthy body.

英语演讲范文五 篇3

ladies and gentlemen， boys and girls， i am chinese。

i am proud of being a chinese with five thousand years of civilization behind。 i’ve learned about the four great inventions made by our forefathers。 i’ve learned about the great wall and the yangtze river。 i’ve learned about zhang heng and i’ve learned about zheng he。who says the yellow river civilization has vanished?i know that my ancestors have made miracles on this fertile land and we’re still making miracles。

who can ignore the fact that we have established ourselves as a great state in the world， that we have devised our own nuclear weapons， that we have successfully sent our satellites into space， and that our gnp ranks no。

we have reasons to say proudly: we are sure to take the lead in the world in the future again， for our problems are big， but our ambition is even bigger， our challenges are great， but our will is even greater。

i am chinese。 i have inherited black hair and black eyes。 i have inherited the virtues of my ancestors。 i have also taken over responsibility。 i am sure， that wherever i go， whatever i do， i shall never forget that i am chinese!

英语演讲稿集锦 篇4

the word wealth always reminds people of money and the sayings or concepts related to money。 for example， “money talks”; “money makes the ghosts turn the mill”; “as birds die for food， so men die for wealth”; “the poor have no friends even though they live in the noisy downtown， while the rich have remote kinsfolk even if they live in the deep mountains”; “poverty chills ambition” “one cent short may put a hero in an awkward situation” etc， etc。。

in the 1980’ s， all shops were state-owned with marked prices。 you couldn’t buy what you wanted with even one cent short， so one cent could indeed embarrass a hero。 a popular song at that time started “i picked up one cent at the roadside， and i handed it over to the policeman…” but now no one cares to pick it up even if it were ten cents。

people’s reverence for money is expressed in varied ways。 the names of companies or stores are often “beer of wealth and honor”， “restaurant of wealth and rank” “store of the aristocrats” “hotel of fame and prestige” etc。 (even some people’s names have the meanings of “full of gold” or “great fortune”)。 at new year’s time， the god of wealth is worshiped and the picture of the god is covered with signs of money。 when a millionaire is walking in the street， people will show their profound respect even though they know very well that they can not get a cent from him。 the english film “the million-pound note” makes a most vivid revelation of this situation。 with the million pound note in hand， the hero has the privilege to buy on credit， or on loan and is even presented money from others。 it’s an idealized end of the story that the hero is still loved by his girl friend even after he lost his million-pound note。 however， without the million-pound note， they couldn’t have known each other。 it’s very difficult for people to make friends directly with beggars。

the song of “all good things must end” in a dream of the red mansions attacks the money worshipers by saying:

“all men long to be immortals

yet silver and gold they prize

and grub for money all their lives

till death seals up their eyes”

but when chen shih-yin tries to expound this song by analyzing the inconstancy of human relationships and the incomprehensible human heart， he has to say:

“while men with gold and silver by the chest

turn beggars， scorned by all and dispossessed”

the conclusion is that it doesn’t work without money。

in spite of the human civilizations over thousands of years， people can not deny the function of money。 this shows how important money is。 money plays a decisive role to individuals， to families and even to countries or nationalities。 otherwise， why is everyone， from doorkeepers to presidents， trying to earn as much as possible? why does every country need chancellors of the exchequer， who keep formulating and revising financial laws and regulations? how different it is to be a creditor nation and a debtor nation! the united states is playing the tyrant just because it is wealthy enough。 a poor man may cherish lofty aspirations， but will probably be beaten because of his poverty。 the afghanistan may have won a lot of sympathy， but how difficult it would be to live solely on charity。

of all ages and in every country， all kinds of corruption stem from money。 no matter how rough the man is， and in what despicable way he earned the money， he can grease the palms of or buy over some very decent officials or even intellectuals。 can you see how crucial a role money is playing? (a case in point is the bankrupt of the company)

some people or organizations like some religious groups claim that they have seen through the human vanity and can take money lightly， but to people’s puzzlement， they are also accumulating money， either to renovate the temples， or to regild buddha’s statues， in whatever pretexts。 they are not engaged in production， so they can only depend on the donations from the devout believers。 sometimes your sincerity relies on whether you donate and how much you donate。 do the monks care about money? the answer is affirmative。 what’s more， many monks are already provided with a salary。

we are living in a material world， and it’s really difficult to deny the function of money or wealth。 we need money for food， clothes， education， hospital， housing and transportation， etc。 there’s rarely anything that doesn’t need money。 what we can discuss now is not the importance of money， but whether money is almighty and whether more wealth can bring us more happiness。

英语演讲稿 篇5

Good Evening, my fellow Americans.

Tonight I want to talk to you on a subject of deep concern to all Americans and to many people in all parts of the world, the war in Vietnam.

I believe that one of the reasons for the deep division about Vietnam is that many Americans have lost confidence in what their Government has told them about our policy. The American people cannot and should not be asked to support a policy which involves the overriding issues of war and peace unless they know the truth about that policy.

Tonight, therefore, I would like to answer some of the questions that I know are on the minds of many of you listening to me.

How and why did America get involved in Vietnam in the first place?

How has this administration changed the policy of the previous Administration?

What has really happened in the negotiations in Paris and the battlefront in Vietnam?

What choices do we have if we are to end the war?

What are the prospects for peace?

Now let me begin by describing the situation I found when I was inaugurated on Jan. 20th: The war had been going on for four years. Thirty-one thousand Americans had been killed in action. The training program for the South Vietnamese was behind schedule. Five hundred forty-thousand Americans were in Vietnam with no plans to reduce the number. No progress had been made at the negotiations in Paris and the United States had not put forth a comprehensive peace proposal.

The war was causing deep division at home and criticism from many of our friend, as well as our enemies, abroad.

In view of these circumstances, there were some who urged withdrawal of all American forces. From a political standpoint, this would have been a popular and easy course to follow. After all, we became involved in the war while my predecessor was in office. I could blame the defeat, which would be the result of my action, on him -- and come out as the peacemaker. Some put it to me quite bluntly: this was the only way to avoid allowing Johnson’s war to become Nixon’s war.

But I had a greater obligation than to think only of the years of my Administration, and of the next election. I had to think of the effect of my decision on the next generation, and on the future of peace and freedom in America, and in the world.

Let us all understand that the question before us is not whether some Americans are for peace and some Americans are against peace. The question at issue is not whether Johnson’s war becomes Nixon’s war. The great question is: How can we win America’s peace?

Well, let us turn now to the fundamental issue: why and how did the United States become involved in Vietnam in the first place? Fifteen years ago North Vietnam, with the logistical support of Communist China and the Soviet union , launched a campaign to impose a Communist government on South Vietnam by instigating and supporting a revolution.

In response to the request of the Government of South Vietnam, President Eisenhower sent economic aid and military equipment to assist the people of South Vietnam in their efforts of prevent a Communist takeover. Seven years ago, President Kennedy sent 16,000 military personnel to Vietnam as combat advisers. Four years ago, President Johnson sent American combat forces to South Vietnam.

Now many believe that President Johnson’s decision to send American combat forces to South Vietnam was wrong. And many others, I among them, have been strongly critical of the way the war has been conducted.

But the question facing us today is -- now that we are in the war, what is the best way to end it?

In January I could only conclude that the precipitate withdrawal of all American forces from Vietnam would be a disaster not only for South Vietnam but for the United States and for the cause of peace.

For the South Vietnamese, our precipitate withdrawal would inevitably allow the Communists to repeat the massacres which followed their takeover in the North 15 years before. They then murdered more than 50,000 people and hundreds of thousands more died in slave labor camps.

We saw a prelude of what would happen in South Vietnam when the Communists entered the city of Hue last year. During their brief rule there, there was a bloody reign of terror in which 3,000 civilians were clubbed, shot to death, and buried in mass graves.

With the sudden collapse of our support, these atrocities at Hue would become the nightmare of the entire nation and particularly for the million-and-a half Catholic refugees who fled to South Vietnam when the Communists took over in the North.

For the United States this first defeat in our nation’s history would result in a collapse of confidence in American leadership not only in Asia but throughout the world.

Three American Presidents have recognized the great stakes involved in Vietnam and understood what had to be done.

In 1963 President Kennedy with his characteristic eloquence and clarity said we want to see a stable Government there, carrying on the struggle to maintain its national independence.

We believe strongly in that. We are not going to withdraw from that effort. In my opinion, for us to withdraw from that effort would mean a collapse not only of South Vietnam but Southeast Asia. So we’re going to stay there.

President Eisenhower and President Johnson expressed the same conclusion during their terms of office.

For the future of peace, precipitate withdrawal would be a disaster of immense magnitude. A nation cannot remain great if it betrays its allies and lets down its friends. Our defeat and humiliation in South Vietnam without question would promote recklessness in the councils of those great powers who have not yet abandoned their goals of world conquest. This would spark violence wherever our commitments help maintain the peace -- in the Middle East, in Berlin, eventually even in the Western Hemisphere. Ultimately, this would cost more lives. It would not bring peace. It would bring more war.

For these reasons I rejected the recommendation I should end the war by immediately withdrawing all of our forces. I chose instead to change American policy on both the negotiating front and the battle front in order to end the war on many fronts. I initiated a pursuit for peace on many fronts. In a television speech on May 14, in a speech before the United Nations, on a number of other occasions, I set forth our peace proposals in great detail.

We have offered the complete withdrawal of all outside forces within one year. We have proposed to cease fire under international supervision. We have offered free elections under international supervision with the Communists participating in the organization and conduct of the elections as an organized political force.

And the Saigon government has pledged to accept the result of the election.

We have not put forth our proposals on a take-it-or-leave-it basis. We have indicated that we’re willing to discuss the proposals that have been put forth by the other side. We have declared that anything is negotiable, except the right of the people of South Vietnam to determine their own future.

At the Paris peace conference Ambassador Lodge has demonstrated our flexibility and good faith in 40 public meetings. Hanoi has refused even to discuss our proposals. They demand our unconditional acceptance of their terms which are that we withdraw all American forces immediately and unconditionally and that we overthrow the government of South Vietnam as we leave.

We have not limited our peace initiatives to public forums and public statements. I recognized in January that a long and bitter war like this usually cannot be settled in a public forum.

That is why in addition to the public statements and negotiations, I have explored every possible private avenue that might lead to a settlement.

Tonight, I am taking the unprecedented step of disclosing to you some of our other initiatives for peace, initiatives we undertook privately and secretly because we thought we thereby might open a door which publicly would be closed.

I did not wait for my inauguration to begin my quest for peace. Soon after my election, through an individual who was directly in contact on a personal basis with the leaders of North Vietnam, I made two private offers for a rapid, comprehensive settlement.

Hanoi’s replies called in effect for our surrender before negotiations. Since the Soviet union furnishes most of the military equipment for North Vietnam, Secretary of Stare Rogers, my assistant for national security affairs, Dr. Kissinger; Ambassador Lodge and I personally have met on a number of occasions with representatives of the Soviet Government to enlist their assistance in getting meaningful negotiations started.

In addition, we have had extended discussions directed toward that same end with representatives of other governments which have diplomatic relations with North Vietnam.

None of these initiatives have to date produced results. In mid-July I became convinced that it was necessary to make a major move to break the deadlock in the Paris talks.

I spoke directly in this office, where I’m now sitting, with an individual who had known Ho Chi Minh on a personal basis for 25 years. Through him I sent a letter to Ho Chi Minh.

I did this outside the usual diplomatic channels with the hope that with the necessity of making statements for propaganda removed, there might be constructive progress toward bringing the war to an end.

“Dear Mr. President:

“I realize that it is difficult to communicate meaningfully across the gulf of four years of war. But precisely because of this gulf I wanted to take this opportunity to reaffirm in all solemnity my desire to work for a just peace. I deeply believe that the war in Vietnam has gone on too long and delay in bringing it to an end can benefit no one, least of all the people of Vietnam. The time has come to move forward at the conference table toward an early resolution of this tragic war. You will find us forthcoming and open-minded in a common effort to bring the blessings of peace to the brave people of Vietnam. Let history record that at this critical juncture both sides turned their face towards peace rather than toward conflict and war."

I received Ho Chi Minh’s reply on Aug. 30, three days before his death. It simply reiterated the public position North Vietnam had taken at Paris and flatly rejected my initiative. The full text of both letters is being released to the press.

In addition to the public meetings that I’ve referred to, Ambassador Lodge has met with Vietnam’s chief negotiator in Paris in 11 private sessions.

And we have taken other significant initiatives which must remain secret to keep open some channels of communications which may still prove to be productive.

But the effect of all the public, private and secret negotiations which have been undertaken since the bombing halt a year ago, and since this Administration came into office on Jan. 20, can be summed up in one sentence: No progress whatever has been made except agreement on the shape of the bargaining table.

Well, now, who’s at fault? It’s becoming clear that the obstacle in negotiating an end to the war is not the President of the United States. It is not the South Vietnamese Government. The obstacle is the other side’s absolute refusal to show the least willingness to join us in seeking a just peace.

And it will not do so while it is convinced that all it has to do is to wait for our next concession, and our next concession after that one, until it gets everything it wants.

There can now be no longer any question that progress in negotiation depends only on Hanoi ’s deciding to negotiate -- to negotiate seriously.

I realize that this report on our efforts on the diplomatic front is discouraging to the American people, but the American people are entitled to know the truth -- the bad news as well as the good news -- where the lives of our young men are involved.

Now let me turn, however, to a more encouraging report on another front. At the time we launched our search for peace, I recognized we might not succeed in bringing an end to the war through negotiations. I therefore put into effect another plan to bring peace -- a plan which will bring the war to an end regardless of what happens on the negotiating front.

It is in line with the major shift in U. S. foreign policy which I described in my press conference at Guam on July 25.

Let me briefly explain what has been described as the Nixon Doctrine -- a policy which not only will help end the war in Vietnam but which is an essential element of our program to prevent future Vietnams.

We Americans are a do-it-yourself people -- we’re an impatient people. Instead of teaching someone else to do a job, we like to do it ourselves. And this trait has been carried over into our foreign policy.

In Korea, and again in Vietnam, the United States furnished most of the money, most of the armament and most of the men to help the people of those countries defend their freedom against Communist aggressions.

Before any American troops were committed to Vietnam, a leader of another Asian country expressed this opinion to me when I was traveling in Asia as a private citizen.

He said: “When you are trying to assist another nation defend its freedom, United States policy should be to help them fight the war, but not to fight the war for them.”

Well in accordance with this wise counsel, I laid down in Guam three principles of guidelines for future American policy toward Asia .

First, the United States will deep all of its treaty commitments.

Second, we shall provide a shield if a nuclear power threatens the freedom of a nation allied with us, or of a nation whose survival we consider vital to our security.

Third, in cases involving other types of aggression we shall furnish military and economic assistance when requested in accordance with our treaty commitments. But we shall look to the nation directly threatened to assume the primary responsibility of providing the manpower for its defense.

I pledge to you tonight that I shall meet this responsibility with all of the strength and wisdom I can command, in accordance with your hopes, mindful of your concerns, sustained by your prayers.

Thank you.

小知识提示：好的演讲稿，应该既有热情的。鼓动，又有冷静的分析，要把抒情和说理有机地结合起来，做到动之以情，晓之以理。